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1984 was tragic for another reason: Faiz Ahmed Faiz died on November 20, 1984, making it his 25th death anniversary today.
Here's a tribute to the poet -- a film directed by sharjil baloch and shown on BBC Urdu last year: Part I
and Part II:
It might be easier to choose songs that have embedding disabled -- particularly for the rare recordings by the likes of Ustad Barkat Ali Khan -- from this link for the playlist above. Lyrics of most of the ghazals and nazams in the playlist are available on urdupoetry.com
Some translations are here: by V.G. Kiernan from Outlook archives, by Agha Shahid Ali (okay, there are actually transcreations) -- and some juvenilia. And here's a wonderful commentary -- “The Sky, the Road, the Glass of Wine: On Translating Faiz” -- by Frances W Pritchett.
Aligarians.com has some transliterations and recordings in Faiz's own voice. There are some transliteratins in Roman and Devnagri and in Nastaliq here
More resources
ash'aar
raat yuuN dil meN terii khoii huuii yaad aaii
jaise viraane meN chupke se bahaar aa jaae
jaise sahraaoN meN haule se chale baad-e-nasiim
jaise biimaar ko bevajah qaraar aa jaae
--
Verses
By V.G. Kiernan
Poems By Faiz, p.49
Last night your faded memory so came into the heart
As spring comes in the wilderness quietly,
As the zephyr moves slowly in deserts
As rest comes without cause to a sick man
***
Last Night
Last night your faded memory filled my heart
Like spring's calm advent in the wilderness,
Like the soft desert footfalls of the breeze,
Like peace somehow coming to one in sickness.
***
By Vikram Seth
Mappings, Pg 43
Last night your faded memory came to me
As in the wilderness spring comes quietly,
As, slowly, in the desert, moves the breeze,
As, to a sick man, without cause, comes peace.
***
By Daud Kamal
The Unicorn and the Dancing Girl, Pg 28
The Curve of Memory
Last night
When
I thought
Of you
All the deserts
Became
Fragrant
With zephyrs.
Spring
Was everywhere
And
My dying heart
Suddenly
Came back
To life.
--
By Shiv K. Kumar
Faiz Ahmed Faiz: Selected Poems, Pg 3
Quatrain
Last night a fugitive memory of you slid into my heart
as though a wilderness was quietly touched by springtide,
as though some breeze came soughing through a desert,
as someone sick, for no reason, felt reclaimed
--
By Agha Shahid Ali
Rebel's Silhouette, Pg 3
Last Night
At night my lost memory of you returned
and I was like the empty field where springtime,
without being noticed, is bringing flowers;
I was like the desert over which
the breeze moves gently, with great care;
I was like the dying patient
who, for no reason, smiles
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 20, 2009 AT 00:00 IST
Joseph Tanfani in the Philadelphia Inquirer:
Headley, born Daood Gilani, is the son of a prominent Pakistani diplomat and the late Serrill Headley, founder and former owner of the Khyber Pass pub/restaurant at 56 S. Second St.
Serrill Headley, who grew up in Bryn Mawr, split with her husband, and lost custody of her children in Pakistani courts. "In Pakistan, men own the children. There are no rights for women," she said in an interview in 1974.
After 10 years in Pakistan, Serrill Headley moved to Philadelphia, bought a 100-year-old tavern in 1973, and turned it into a bustling nightspot.
After two earlier attempts to get her son out of Pakistan failed, she succeeded in 1977.
In Philadelphia, however, he suffered from culture shock. Raised as a Muslim, he was having trouble adjusting to the idea that his mother ran a bar, an Inquirer column said.
"He has never been alone with, much less had a date with, a girl, except the servant girls of his household," an Inquirer column said back then.
Read the full piece at Philadelphia Inquirer: From Pakistan to Phila.: A terror suspect's journey
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 19, 2009 AT 21:59 IST
It has been reported before, soon after the general elections in May and then again after the Maharashtra elections, when, for example, P. Sainath wrote in the Hindu:
In the financial orgy that marked the Maharashtra elections, the media were never far behind the moneybags. Not all sections of the media were in this mode, but quite a few. Not just small local outlets, but powerful newspapers and television channels, too. Many candidates complained of “extortion” but were not willing to make an issue of it for fear of drawing media fire. Some senior journalists and editors found themselves profoundly embarrassed by their managements. “The media have been the biggest winners in these polls,” says one ruefully. “In this period alone,” says another, “they’ve more than bounced back from the blows of the ‘slowdown’ and done so in style.” Their poll-period take is estimated to be in hundreds of millions of rupees. Quite a bit of this did not come as direct advertising but in packaging a candidate’s propaganda as “news.”
Mrinal Pande returns with a two-part series in the Hindu itself to ask why" hugely successful Hindi print media that have always been in private hands and quite free professionally, begun to trivialise their own base and con their readership":
...soon one heard that the marketing and media marketing managers at several media houses were getting ‘creatives’ prepared about what was on offer, in time for the general elections. Several party functionaries who manned party ‘war rooms’ during the period, when quizzed, confessed to having been shown ‘impressive’ PowerPoint presentations by major newspapers, and in turn professing an interest in the offerings.
The hard copy version of one such offering made on behalf of one Hindi daily published from a rich western Indian State blatantly delineates the phenomenon. The script claims that some 36 Lok Sabha seats in two major cities in the State, including the State capital and the surrounding areas, were ‘feeded’ by the daily. The proposal then lays down a clear sequential map of activities it can spearhead to promote the party or individual candidates, quoting prices. At the local level it addresses the candidate, his or her supporters and well-wishers, the district-level party office, the local MLA or MLC or corporator, other local political leaders, the local advertising agency and the guardian Minister of the ruling party. At the State level it is the State political party office, Cabinet Minister and State-level political leaders, businessmen and industrialists and a State-level advertising agency. At the national level it addresses the central offices of political parties (media cells), national-level political leaders and Central Ministers from the State.
The working modalities include putting in place dedicated teams each day, comprising political or city reporters and correspondents, sub-editors, area advertisement managers and area sales managers, to do the needful. Fifteen days’ general coverage is priced at Rs.20 lakh, while seven days of exclusive coverage is pegged at Rs.25 lakh...
Read the two part series at the Hindu for a reminder on why perhaps there are so many crorepatis in the Lok Sabha:
Or as P. Sainath reminded us in his earlier piece:
Your chances of winning an election to the Maharashtra Assembly, if you are worth over Rs.100 million, are 48 times greater than if you were worth just Rs.1 million or less. Far greater still, if that other person is worth only half-a-million rupees or less. Just six out of 288 MLAs in Maharashtra who won their seats declared assets of less than half-a-million rupees. Nor should challenges from garden variety multi-millionaires (those worth between Rs.1 million-10 million) worry you much. Your chances of winning are six times greater than theirs, says the National Election Watch (NEW).
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 19, 2009 AT 03:49 IST
Joining issue with the UK-based charity that was reported by the Indian Express to have issued an ultimatum to the Muslims it had helped rehabilitate to follow the Shariah rules, Javed Anand takes on all those who have converted faith into a totalitarian ideology:
But beware of the dangers of the malevolent, modern-day messiahs. Unlike the poor maulvi sahib from a Muslim mohalla, this seemingly sophisticated lot comes draped in suit and tie, speaks fluent English, swears faith in “reason and logic”, quotes from the Vedas and the Bible as comfortably as from the Quran, oozes cash and promotes disharmony and discord in the name of peace. Don’t take them lightly for many among the new generation of otherwise well-educated but theologically ignorant Muslims assume this out-of-date medievalism to mean ‘Modern Islam’.
Read the full piece at the Indian Express: A Conditional Charity
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 19, 2009 AT 00:34 IST

Shiv Visvanathan in this Saturday's TOI Crest ed:
Genius for all its individualism reeks of sociology. Cricket is one game that belongs to the oral imagination and commentary for cricket is as important as hermeneutics for the Bible. Retelling is reliving, and both religion and cricket have that in common.
School and street are an integral part of the urban imagination. They are models of life and frameworks of mobility. Here, exam and game create two parallel worlds. The legend of Sachin begins in the playing fields of Shivaji Park. There is a Drona of the cricket field, Ramakant Achrekar. There are no Ekalavyas on the scene. But there is a Kambli.
Vinod Kambli is important not just for his talent but for his zest for life. Kambli is talent that refuses to discipline itself. He is the exuberance of the street that refuses to yield to the school. Kambli is desire without discipline. He is the exuberance of the here and now that the middle class envies and despises. Kambli is the shortlived Sachin; the cameo of exuberance unlimited. Sachin and Kambli are a middle class fable that needs more attention. Kambli treats cricket as a site for desire, for the shortlived joy of politics, of cinema, of TV.
He is the middle class boy who lacks a centre. Intensely appealing, he is the other, the friend who humanizes Sachin, creates other rhythms which would otherwise render Sachin as a metronome. Kambli and Sachin are foils from school. Kambli is the other who burns out, because he burns too fast. He is the Sivakasi cracker to Sachin’s blowtorch....
More here
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 17, 2009 AT 19:03 IST
Jaithirth Rao in the Indian Express:
Professor Sheldon Pollock has just announced scholarships for Dalit students who wish to study Sanskrit at Columbia University. This is indeed welcome news. The tragedy is that this initiative is not being undertaken in India, the home of Sanskrit as well as Dalits. It is revealing to note what Professor Saroja Bhate of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune has to say: “I congratulate Professor Pollock for doing this. This is exactly what I would have done and would do in future if I have the resources.” The question we need to ask is why Professor Bhate does not have the resources. We spend crores and crores casually on conferences, commissions and committees of which we have lost count, but there is no money in Pune for pursuing Sanskrit studies or encouraging Dalits.
Read more
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 16, 2009 AT 23:12 IST
Shiv Visvanathan in the Asian Age on l'affaire Rahul Bhatt:
When a person is connected even inadvertently with a terrorist, a pall of suspicion envelopes the individual and his friends. A barrage of accusations and questions hammer the family. It turns defensive explaining events, ideas and conversations, one would have not thought of. Freedom after all is the Freedom from suspicion. But as you watch a family run a gauntlet of question marks, you begin to reflect on certain things.
Terror at a collective level is anonymous. You do not know who it is going to hit. But terror creates an ambience of suspicion around people. Many innocent people get marked as suspects. They are haunted by the stigma of question marks. It is a symbolic branding which can destroy friendships or even the taken for granted world you have lived so happily in.
Terror dissolves the everydayness of the world. It destroys it twice: once for the suspect and also more poignantly for his family and friends.
Read the full piece: Stigma of the question mark haunts and hurts
Meanwhile, in Gujarat, it is business as usual as Mahesh Bhatt films are getting disrupted and cancelled.
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 16, 2009 AT 21:23 IST
The Economist's annual collection of predictions for the year ahead is out and it forecasts: Pakistan will be messy but stable (unless there is catastrophic violence—an important assassination or a terrorist attack in India), China will become the world’s second-largest economy but will need to learn to chill, Obama will have a lousy year, Japan will remain in its fiscal black hole, NATO may lose in Afghanistan, the UK would get a regime change, the only thing harder to sell than a newspaper will be a newspaper company, green engineers would be way cooler than MBAs and, on July 11th, the world will watch a proud team win the FIFA World Cup in South Africa. In between, India's factories will overtake its farms:
The monsoon once decided India’s economic fate. Now it only influences it. Agriculture’s share of India’s national output has dropped from 40% 30 years ago to 17% in 2009. Indeed, India’s economy is now on the cusp of an historic transition. In 2010 agriculture will account for a smaller share of GDP than manufacturing: India’s output of widgets will exceed its output of wheat, rice, cotton and the other fruits of the land. The factory will surpass the farm.
Read more
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 16, 2009 AT 04:02 IST
S.L. Rao in the Telegraph questions why the centre has not taken any measures to root out linguistic chauvinism:
The Centre has been invisible in moving against state governments — and glaringly against Maharashtra, run by the two parties which are allies at the Centre — that allow such movements [against migrants from other states] to take root. It also speaks badly of the quality of governance in such Indian states where political parties get away with abuse of migrants from other states. Freedom of movement is a right enshrined in the Constitution. It is the duty of local governments to prevent this kind of abuse, and of the Centre to ensure that such abuse does not take place....
...Linguistic states are here to stay. Neither Central not state governments must allow them to become linguistic chauvinists and throttle internal migration. It is the duty of the Central and state governments to protect all Indians anywhere in India and punish such chauvinism. If they do not begin doing so now, India’s unity will be fragile.
Read the full piece: Parochial Passions
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 16, 2009 AT 03:36 IST
One more reason
Frankly, it is more than a disgrace. It is digusting. The only -- very dim, barely visible -- silver lining is that media pressure is forcing politicians to -- however mildly -- murmur words of disagreement even if it is merely to save face.
"I personally believe that perhaps more diligence should have been made before issuing these orders [for grant of parole to Manu Sharma]. The fact that he has already gone back (to jail) does not make a difference now," Congress leader Sachin Pilot said while participating in a TV programme.
Asked whether it was a mistake for the Delhi government to have recommended parole for Sharma, Pilot said, "Well I am not Delhi chief minister. From whatever I know of the case, if I was the chief minister I would probably not have given the parole".
More here
So pathetic is the state of the opposition that even the likes of MNS could get some middle-class support if they were to set up a Delhi unit and start their "agitations". And what is really sobering in all this is that even the news of Manu Sharma being out on parole would have gone totally unreported had he not got into another brawl in a nightclub -- and that too with none other than the son of the Delhi Police Commissioner himself.
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 14, 2009 AT 22:31 IST
...is not the Taliban: it is the rupture between the federal state and its constituent parts, and Islamabad’s refusal to accede to the legitimate needs and demands of its citizens in places like Swat and Baluchistan. It is a rupture, indeed, that is written into the very fabric of the state, and the reason why Bangladesh seceded from West Pakistan in 1971, after it was denied political legitimacy by the military regime and then brutalised by an oppressive army operation aimed at quashing any opposition.
Manan Ahmed, in the Nation. An old - November 5 - piece that I somehow got around to reading only today.
Meanwhile, writing in the Dawn's blogs, Nadeem F. Paracha adds:
a society that responds so enthusiastically to all the major symptoms of fascist thought. Symptoms such as powerful and continuing nationalism; disdain for the recognition of human rights; identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause; supremacy of the military; obsession with national security; the intertwining of religion and government; disdain for intellectuals and the arts; an obsession with crime and punishment, etc.
Have not the bulk of Pakistanis willingly allowed themselves to be captured in all the macho and paranoid trappings of the above-mentioned symptoms of collective psychosis. It clearly smacks of a society that has been ripening and readying itself for an all-round fascist scenario.
This is the scenario some among us are really talking about when they speak of ‘imposing the system of the Khulfa Rashideen’ or shariah, or whatever profound buzzwords adopted to explain Pakistan’s march towards a wonderful society of equality and justice? Words that mean absolutely nothing, or systems and theories either based on ancient musings of tribal societies or on glorified myths of bravado.
Read the full piece: A Nation of sleepwalkers
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 14, 2009 AT 00:29 IST
Thanks to Twitter, came across these two interviews with Umberto Eco that I would probably otherwise have missed. First, a Summer 2008 interview with Paris Review:
I suspect that there is no serious scholar who doesn’t like to watch television. I’m just the only one who confesses. And then I try to use it as material for my work. But I am not a glutton who swallows everything. I don’t enjoy watching any kind of television. I like the dramatic series and I dislike the trash shows. ...
INTERVIEWER
Have you read The Da Vinci Code?
ECO
Yes, I am guilty of that too.
INTERVIEWER
That novel seems like a bizarre little offshoot of Foucault’s Pendulum.
ECO
The author, Dan Brown, is a character from Foucault’s Pendulum! I invented him. He shares my characters’ fascinations—the world conspiracy of Rosicrucians, Masons, and Jesuits. The role of the Knights Templar. The hermetic secret. The principle that everything is connected. I suspect Dan Brown might not even exist.
And then, just when I found myself trying to refine my list of favourite Hindustani classical vocal compositions, it was reassuring to come across this one, on his current exhibition at the Louvre, where he goes on to say how for young people Google could be a tragedy unless they learn "the high art of how to be discriminating".:
Umberto Eco: The list is the origin of culture. It's part of the history of art and literature. What does culture want? To make infinity comprehensible. It also wants to create order -- not always, but often. And how, as a human being, does one face infinity? How does one attempt to grasp the incomprehensible? Through lists, through catalogs, through collections in museums and through encyclopedias and dictionaries. There is an allure to enumerating how many women Don Giovanni slept with: It was 2,063, at least according to Mozart's librettist, Lorenzo da Ponte. We also have completely practical lists -- the shopping list, the will, the menu -- that are also cultural achievements in their own right...
...Just the idea of working in a museum was appealing to me. I was there alone recently, and I felt like a character in a Dan Brown novel. It was both eerie and wonderful at the same time. I realized immediately that the exhibition would focus on lists. Why am I so interested in the subject? I can't really say. I like lists for the same reason other people like football or pedophilia. People have their preferences
More at Spiegel
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 14, 2009 AT 00:28 IST
The ugly scenes in Maharashtra Assembly -- where legislators of Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) slapped and [roughed up a Samajwadi Party legislator for taking the inaugral oath not in Marathi but in "national language" Hindi provide a lot of food for thought and are bound to keep the commentariat busy. Three perspectives:
First, Samar Halarnkar in the Hindustan Times:
The chattering classes of Mumbai’s high-rises hate and fear the Senas, ascribing to them a lunacy beyond understanding. But scratch many seemingly sensible Maharashtrians, and they will gradually talk of culture, tradition, language and the fear of being swamped by Mumbai’s great and growing diversity. Of course, they will insist, the way Raj is going about this is wrong, there must be no violence, but you know, what he says isn’t really wrong...
Next, Rajeev Dhavan in the Indian Express, like a good lawyer that he is, doesn't lose sight of the crux of the matter and has useful practical suggestions:
The correct course of action is for the Speaker to issue breach of privilege notices to those who directly participated in this breach, as well as those who conspired to make it happen. This means notices should go to Raj Thackeray to ask him of his complicity in the conspiracy. If he says he was not part of the conspiracy to disrupt the assembly, he would knock himself down a peg or two on this issue. If he admits his involvement, he must be punished along with the others, albeit by token suspension for the legislators and censure for the non-assembly conspirators. At this stage, to punish by imprisonment would make martyrs of such persons. But, issuing process of breach of privilege is a must.
Meanwhile, in the DNA, R Jagannathan, while not questioning Abu Azmi's constitutional right to take oath in Hindi, joins issue with the Hindi hegemonism that his supporters have adopted:
Speaking about Hindi as a national language is no different from speaking about Hinduism as India's official cultural expression. Hindi is a great language, but it is not any more national than Marathi or Kannada, or Bengali or Telugu. Ironically, it was left to the MNS to point out the obvious: that Hindi is just another regional language of India.
Constitutionally though, while there may not be a "national" language, Hindi indeed has been privileged, and as Dhavan points out:
There was always a Hindi version of the Constitution. But if there is any doubt, the 58th amendment mandates the president to publish an authoritative text of the Constitution and every constitutional amendment of it in Hindi (Article 394A). If someone wants to take their oath in Hindi, they are doing no more than following authoritative text of the Constitution itself!
Dhavan also comes to the heart of the matter in his usual no-nonsense style:
What is even more ironical is that even in the Maharashtra assembly, two BJP members took their oath in Sanskrit (Girish Bapat, Girish Mahajan). Congress members took their oath in Hindi (Amin Patel, Ramesh Singh Thakur) and English (Baba Siddique). It is said the Samajwadi Party MLA, Abu Asim Azmi, drew attention to himself and his choice of language. Suppose he did, so what?
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 12, 2009 AT 04:33 IST

K.P. Nayar spells it out as the prime minister, Manmohan Singh prepares to visit Washington:
Notwithstanding New Delhi’s known opposition to bracketing India along with Pakistan and Afghanistan, there are many policy-makers in the Obama administration who believe that the US cannot win the war in Afghanistan unless they also push for a solution to Kashmir and that the problem of a failing state in Pakistan cannot be adequately addressed unless New Delhi and Islamabad are nudged towards a reconciliation...
...there is lack of comprehension now in New Delhi that the Obama administration intends to eventually legitimize the Taliban: what Washington is looking for is a way to put the best front on that eventuality and justify such an about-turn...
Read the full piece at the Telegraph
C. Raja Mohan adds:
...the cynical view of the prime minister’s visit to Washington is that it will be long on rhetoric but short on substance. But the unfolding developments in Afghanistan and Pakistan are too consequential for the national security of both India and the United States for their leaders to waste the opportunity for thinking at the highest levels about political cooperation on stabilising the north-western parts of the Subcontinent.
Read on at the Indian Express
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 11, 2009 AT 03:51 IST
Apart from pointing out that a fatwa is only binding on its author, Aijaz Ilmi comes to the heart of the matter:
I wish resolutions at Deoband had addressed the following questions: Why do Indian Muslims have the highest levels of illiteracy, both male and female, in the country? Why do we have the highest number of school drop-outs? Why do we have the lowest representation in both the public and the private sector? What steps are we taking to stop pernicious recruiters who lure young impressionable minds towards terror ideologies? A failure to tackle the rapid socio-economic slide will push the faithful instead towards being the last amongst the least. With the Shiv Sena and the VHP joining in, the zealots will raise this needless debate to a crescendo overshadowing real issues.
Read the full piece at the Indian Express
On the same subject, in DNA, Anil Dharker says:
Not the west, not the United States of America, not Jews, not extremist Hindus.... Islam's worst enemies are Muslims.
And Sultan Shahin is characteristically blunt and says:
"Jamiat's burkha is slipping and the veneer of broadmindedness is wearing off"
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 11, 2009 AT 01:37 IST
Dilip Simeon, once a 'revolutionary' on the run, who memorably fictionalised his experiences as a trucker's khalasi in Civil Lines (OK TATA: Mobiloil Change and World Revolution) long back, writes in the Hindustan Times that Hindutva is the Maoism of the elite:
Those who believe in virtuous murder are today calling upon the democratic conscience. Does democracy include the right to kill? Our left-extremists have changed the world for the worse. Along with right-wing radicals, they ground their arguments on passionate rhetoric and a claim to superior knowledge. Fighters for justice have become judge and executioner rolled into one — in a word, pure tyrants. Every killing launches yet another cycle of trauma and revenge. Will Francis Induvar’s son ever dream of becoming a socialist? Should not socialists hold themselves to a higher standard than the system they oppose?
Symbolism counts for a lot in Indian politics. If the Maoist party is interested in negotiations, I suggest a demand that will expose the hypocritical nature of our polity: ask the government to remove the portrait of VD Savarkar from the Central Hall of Parliament, placed there in 2003. If it cannot do that, ask it to place Charu Mazumdar’s portrait alongside. Why not? Both were extreme patriots. Both believed in political assassination, both hated Gandhi and both insisted that the end justifies the means.
Read the full piece at the Hindustan Times
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 10, 2009 AT 20:56 IST
B.G. Verghese in the Indian Express mourns the passing of Prabhash Joshi:
Over the past many months he had been greatly exercised over the grievous fall in ethical standards, even among some of the best known brands in the Indian media. He was particularly concerned about the graded “packages” being sold by media houses for electoral coverage with different price tags to favour a candidate or damn his or her opponent. He took me with him to Indore, his home town, some time back to attend and address a seminar and public meeting called to discuss this matter by the Madhya Pradesh Union of Journalists. He had done his homework and was armed with clippings and other hard evidence of such malpractice. Returning to Delhi, he got me to join him in filing a complaint with the Press Council of India, which is currently seized of the matter. One of his last public assignments in Delhi was a seminar to discuss and denounce this most undemocratic practice.
More here
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 07, 2009 AT 16:07 IST
Outlook carried an article by Pakistani author Khurram Hussain, To Understand Pakistan, 1947 Is The Wrong Lens purporting to tell Indians something about Pakistan that he thinks Indians don't know.
Here is a quote:
"But again, no one in India accounts for 1971 when making such grand universalising (and, if I may add, genuinely noble) plans for the future of the region. Pakistani intellectual elites share with their Indian counterparts the normative horror of what the West Pakistani military did in the East. How can anyone in their right mind not deem such behaviour beyond the pale? But horror does not preclude abiding distaste for the Indian state's wilful opportunism in breaking Pakistan apart. It is for this reason that while the intellectual classes in Pakistan, especially the English language press and prominent university scholars, have almost always condemned their state's involvement in terrorist activity inside India proper, they have remained largely quiet concerning Kashmir. What's good for the goose is good for the gander. Kashmir does not seem so different to them than East Pakistan."
Here's the full article.
1971 is indeed the right measure with which to understand Pakistan, but not in the way the author paints it. Khurram Husain's token pieties about "such behavior" (can he come up with even less judgmental terms, maybe?) notwithstanding, this kind of bogus moral equation between Kashmir and Pakistan's 1971 genocide sums up the problem that is Pakistan, more clearly than any sophistry by that country's intellectuals. "Moral bankruptcy" is not too strong an expression to describe their continuing indifference to the realities of what their country did in 1971.
As for Pakistani concerns about India's plotting against them, even pretending for a moment that there is actually something to that, they still fail to consider that it would make perfect sense for India to take firm and assertive action in Kashmir and elsewhere to forestall and roll back any additional expansion by a military power that represents a monstrous culture and a mindset that (a) slaughters and rapes a mind-boggling number of its own citizens because they were not proper Muslims, or short, dark and lungi-wearing instead of tall, fair & salwar-wearing--these were the Pakistanis' actual stated moral justifications in those less artful times--and (b) seems perfectly content to remain what they have shown themselves to be, by virtue of (a). I mean, they don't exactly say that they are proud of what they did in 1971, but as a culture and a nation, they don't seem all that ashamed of it, either, in the way that the Germans learned to be ashamed of their Nazi doings. (And yes, that's a perfectly fair analogy, if anything a bit unfair to the Nazis who took about a decade to exterminate 7 million or so, while the Pakistanis took less than 6 months to kill upwards of a million. And mass rape wasn't part of the Nazi agenda, albeit for their own sick reasons.)
This article is a perfect example of what is really wrong with what is sadly, an example of perhaps the best and most thoughtful brains that Pakistan has to offer--they can't, or won't, come to terms with the fact that there is something wrong with being focused on their loss to what they consider an inferior "Hindu" India, all the while having no interest to speak of in examining what it is about their civilizational mindset that makes it all right for them to blithely gloss over one of the most sickening crimes against humanity their country committed in 1971.
Most Indians, and certainly those that were alive in 1971, understand this instinctively (and this understanding is not just conveniently confined to the Indian "state" either but extends to the people), but are generally too polite or otherwise inhibited to say it out loud. That reticence probably accounts for what I'll charitably call this author's confusion. Others might see it as classic Pakistani sophistry that is meant to manipulate a generation of young Indians who might be unfamiliar with the historical and human realities of what happened in 1971.
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POSTED BY bapa ON Nov 05, 2009 AT 00:01 IST

So Vande Mataram is once again in the news, with one of the 25 resolutions passed by Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind at its 30th general session in the presence of Union Home Minister P Chidambaram, affirming that
"The [2006] fatwa of Darul Uloom (opposing recitation of Vande Mataram) is correct."
Here's a link to the full FAQ on the 2006 controversy, along with a link to the Congress Working Committee, in Calcutta on October 26, 1937, under the presidentship of Jawaharlal Nehru which provides a historical perspective.
And here's the full coverage from the Outlook Archives
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Nov 03, 2009 AT 20:13 IST
R. Jagannathan in the DNA:
Both the party [Congress] and Manmohan discovered their spunk only towards the end of their first term, when both knew that the only thing they had to lose was their timidity...
The soft-spoken prime minister unleashed a quiet viciousness that destroyed Advani. To Advani's repeated taunts, Manmohan replied with quiet anger and a sharp twist of the verbal knife. It ended Advani's pretence of being the hard man of Indian politics...
It works with middle class India and women; it may also work abroad. In the emerging global power scenario, China represents the much-feared macho power; India, as represented by Manmohan and Sonia, represents soft power. It looks sane in a world marred by extremist violence. This image of outward softness helps us since it can enable us to take hard decisions based on realpolitik and still appear reasonable on the world stage.
Read more at DNA
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POSTED BY Sundeep ON Oct 29, 2009 AT 16:12 IST
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