POSTED BY Omar ON Aug 15, 2011 AT 00:00 IST ,  Edited At: Aug 15, 2011 00:00 IST

Pakistan and India are celebrating the 64th anniversary of “Freedom at midnight” with their usual mix of nationalism and jingoism (Bangladesh seems to ignore this nightmarish dream anniversary and will be mostly ignored in this article). The fashionable opinion about India (within and without, though perhaps less on the Indian left) seems fairly positive; about Pakistan, decidedly muddled if not outright negative. Is this asymmetry another manifestation of the unfair assessments of an Islamophobic world? Or does this difference in perception have a basis in fact?

I am going to make twin arguments: that the difference in everyday life, everyday oppressions and everyday successes is LESS than commonly stated (though a gap may finally be opening up), but at the same time, the asymmetry in their ideals and foundational myths is much greater than outsiders tend to see. Outsiders in general tend to see other nations as generic “nations”; they assume (usually unconsciously) that the default “national interests” are likely to be reflections of the same set of assumptions everywhere. My argument here is that this is frequently true and is true enough of India and Pakistan in many cases (e.g. in negotiations over river waters), but there are some unique elements in the Pakistan story that slowly but steadily push in a less desirable direction, even as the normal evolution of society brings in modernization and economic growth;  and unless these are damped down, these “unique elements” have the potential to sink Pakistan. On the other hand, if these can be ignored or painted over, then Pakistan too can become just another “normal” South Asian country, faced with similar problems (some worse, some much less than its neighbors), to which similar solutions can be proposed. 

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POSTED BY Omar ON Aug 15, 2011 AT 00:00 IST, Edited At: Aug 15, 2011 00:00 IST
POSTED BY Buzz ON Jun 16, 2011 AT 23:53 IST ,  Edited At: Jun 16, 2011 23:53 IST

A senior research fellow at Oxford University, Sarmila Bose, has created a furore with her new controversial book, Dead Reckoning, by suggesting that Bengalis in what was then East Pakistan — fighting for independence  — also committed "appalling atrocities".

Her "highly controversial conclusions", the BBC reports, include that the Pakistani army has been "demonised" by the pro-liberation side and accused of "monstrous actions regardless of the evidence", while Bengali people have been depicted as "victims". "

"This has led to a tendency to deny, minimise or justify violence and brutalities perpetrated by pro-liberation Bengalis,"  the book claims.

Some excerpts at the BBC:

In the terrible violence of a fratricidal war, the victims were from every ethnic and religious group and from both sides of the political divide and so were the perpetrators...

Both sides had legitimate political arguments and their idealistic followers, along with those who indulged in opportunism, expediency and inhumanity.

Many Bengalis - supposed to be fighting for freedom and dignity - committed appalling atrocities.

And many Pakistani army officers, carrying out a military action against a political rebellion, turned out to be fine men doing their best to fight an unconventional war within the conventions of warfare...

A long-standing theme is the state of denial in Pakistan: A refusal to confront what really happened in East Pakistan.

However the study revealed a greater state of denial in Bangladesh.

More at the BBC

Also see: Response by Nayanika Mookherjee at the Guardian: This account of the Bangladesh war should not be seen as unbiased:

Bose's book is methodologically inconsistent and appears to be informed by a disdain for Bangladeshis and their movement for political freedom. Her portrayal of East Pakistanis/Bangladeshis as either capable of showing "bestial" violence or being cowards calls into question her neutrality.

The response in Pakistan and Bangladesh is already on predictable lines and promises to get more engaged as the Indian edition gets readied for publication.

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POSTED BY Buzz ON Jun 16, 2011 AT 23:53 IST, Edited At: Jun 16, 2011 23:53 IST
POSTED BY bapa ON Nov 05, 2009 AT 00:01 IST ,  Edited At: Nov 05, 2009 00:01 IST

Outlook carried an article by Pakistani author Khurram Hussain, To Understand Pakistan, 1947 Is The Wrong Lens purporting to tell Indians something about Pakistan that he thinks Indians don't know.

Here is a quote:

"But again, no one in India accounts for 1971 when making such grand universalising (and, if I may add, genuinely noble) plans for the future of the region. Pakistani intellectual elites share with their Indian counterparts the normative horror of what the West Pakistani military did in the East. How can anyone in their right mind not deem such behaviour beyond the pale? But horror does not preclude abiding distaste for the Indian state's wilful opportunism in breaking Pakistan apart. It is for this reason that while the intellectual classes in Pakistan, especially the English language press and prominent university scholars, have almost always condemned their state's involvement in terrorist activity inside India proper, they have remained largely quiet concerning Kashmir. What's good for the goose is good for the gander. Kashmir does not seem so different to them than East Pakistan."

Here's the full article.

1971 is indeed the right measure with which to understand Pakistan, but not in the way the author paints it. Khurram Husain's token pieties about "such behavior" (can he come up with even less judgmental terms, maybe?) notwithstanding, this kind of bogus moral equation between Kashmir and Pakistan's 1971 genocide sums up the problem that is Pakistan,  more clearly than any sophistry by that country's intellectuals. "Moral bankruptcy" is not too strong an expression to describe their continuing indifference to the realities of what their country did in 1971.

As for Pakistani concerns about India's plotting against them, even pretending for a moment that there is actually something to that,  they still fail to consider that it would  make perfect sense for India to take firm and assertive action in Kashmir and elsewhere to forestall and roll back any additional expansion by a military power that represents a monstrous culture and a mindset that (a) slaughters and rapes a mind-boggling number of its own citizens because they were not proper Muslims, or short, dark and lungi-wearing instead of tall, fair & salwar-wearing--these were the Pakistanis' actual stated moral justifications in those less artful times--and (b) seems perfectly content to remain what they have shown themselves to be, by virtue of (a). I mean, they don't exactly say that they are proud of what they did in 1971, but as a culture and a nation, they don't seem all that ashamed of it, either, in the way that the Germans learned to be ashamed of their Nazi doings. (And yes, that's a perfectly fair analogy, if anything a bit unfair to the Nazis who took about a decade to exterminate 7 million or so, while the Pakistanis took less than 6 months to kill upwards of a million. And mass rape wasn't part of the Nazi agenda, albeit for their own sick reasons.)

This article is a perfect example of what is really wrong with what is sadly, an example of perhaps the best and most thoughtful brains that Pakistan has to offer--they can't, or won't, come to terms with the fact that there is something wrong with being focused on their loss to what they consider an inferior "Hindu" India, all the while having no interest to speak of in examining what it is about their civilizational mindset that makes it all right for them to blithely gloss over one of the most sickening crimes against humanity their country committed in 1971.

Most Indians, and certainly those that were alive in 1971, understand this instinctively (and this understanding is not just conveniently confined to the Indian "state" either but extends to the people), but are generally too polite or otherwise inhibited to say it out loud. That reticence probably accounts for what I'll charitably call this author's confusion. Others might see it as classic Pakistani sophistry that is meant to manipulate a generation of young Indians who might be unfamiliar with the historical and human realities of what happened in 1971.

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POSTED BY bapa ON Nov 05, 2009 AT 00:01 IST, Edited At: Nov 05, 2009 00:01 IST
POSTED BY Sundeep ON May 25, 2009 AT 21:00 IST ,  Edited At: May 25, 2009 21:01 IST

We've had truth and reconciliation in South Africa, the Congress party saying sorry for 1984 (even if it was years later) and the BJP refusing to countenance the idea of offering even a hint of an apology for 2002 Gujarat. In between, recently, on May 13 to be exact, the government of Bangladesh "urged Pakistan to apologise formally for alleged atrocities committed by its army during Bangladesh’s bloody liberation struggle in 1971". As the Dawn reported, "A Pakistani envoy told Bangladesh in February to let ‘bygones be bygones’ and rejected plans to try those accused of murder, rape and arson.".

Writing in Bangladesh's Daily Star, on May 20th, Syed Badrul Ahsan cited Willy Brandt kneeling before Israel's Yad Vashem memorial in 1970 as a mark of penance for what Nazi Germany did to six million Jews in the Hitler years and said:

It is a lesson Pakistan and its leaders need to learn from. To be sure, Pakistanis will tell you in their turn that Pervez Musharraf once expressed his regret over any crimes that may have been committed in Bangladesh in 1971. When they do that, you might as well inform them that there is a huge difference between an expression of regret and a clear statement of apology.

When you regret something you have done, you are not exactly contrite over your action. But when you publicly let people know that you are apologetic over a crime or sin you have committed, you give out the good feeling that you have finally been able to catch up with history. More significantly, you have finally adopted the thought that in life morality matters than anything else.

Pakistan's people and its leaders have, to our clear displeasure, never tried to take the high moral ground when it comes to dealing with 1971. The history that is taught in schools is a travesty of the truth. While a detailed analysis is provided of the circumstances leading to the creation of Pakistan in 1947, nothing really is offered as an explanation for the disappearance of East Pakistan in 1971. Or if there is something of an explanation, the clear hint is there that a conspiracy, obviously by non-Pakistanis, broke the country into two. With that kind of approach to history, you only undermine history. An angry Zulfikar Ali Bhutto visited the National Memorial in Savar in June 1974 and made it clear he saw nothing wrong in what his country had done to Bengalis in 1971.

And, finally, today, a group calling itself the Action for a Progressive Pakistan, responds via a piece entitled "We Apologise" in the same newspaper:

The outrageous dismissal of Bangladesh's demand by the Pakistani foreign office -- "let bygones be bygones" -- is a shameful reflection of Pakistan's constructed amnesia over the horrific actions of its army and its political leadership. Not only has there never been any move on the part of the Pakistani state to apologise to Bangladesh, there has not even been any sustained effort by citizens' groups to pressure the government to publicly acknowledge the truth.

As Pakistanis, we find this unconscionable. We find it unconscionable that the Pakistani army raped, killed and pillaged our brothers and sisters in East Pakistan in 1971. We find it unconscionable that the Pakistani state has steadfastly refused to acknowledge these atrocities for the past 38 years, leave alone hold those responsible for them accountable as suggested by its own chief justice in the state commissioned inquiry. We reject the Pakistani state and army's claim that these atrocities were committed in our name.

More here

(Links via separate emails from Anwar A Siddiqui and Ayesha Ali)

Post script: I find that Sepoy at Chapati Mystery is very much a part of this Action for Progressive Pakistan. May his tribe increase.

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POSTED BY Sundeep ON May 25, 2009 AT 21:00 IST, Edited At: May 25, 2009 21:01 IST
POSTED BY Sundeep ON Feb 26, 2009 AT 01:05 IST ,  Edited At: Feb 26, 2009 18:47 IST

Day 2: Updates. Reuters has a Q&A

Unheard Voices provides a regularly updated status of the BDR mutiny and offers many links to stories, first hand accounts, photos [warning: some of them very graphic] and discussion on whether or not Hasina's government should have agreed to the demands of the BDR mutineers. Elsewhere, in Daily Star, Iffat Nawaz tells us how he started smoking:

I come home from the bazaar call up my relatives in the US and unexpectedly break down. I cry my heart out, I feel lonely again, unsafe, insecure. I think of why I came here, my work, how much it means to me, I tell myself I am exaggerating because I have never been in a situation like this, but I still can't calm myself down.

So I walk out to the bazaar and with bunch of cha walas keep watching the news. They make space for me. They tell me: "Apa bari jaan, bari giya TV dekhen, apnara to borolok, ey khane thaiken na."

Yet somehow they help me fit in. And then a tire bursts on the street and everyone scatters and runs for their lives and a few seconds later realizing what happened breaks into contagious laughter.

And I join them too, in laughing. I say my good byes after watching Munni Shaha's report on television. On my way home I stop by the cigarette stand and buy my first pack of cigarettes. And February 25, 2009 becomes the first day I officially started smoking and melted into being a part of Dhaka like I never thought I could be.

More Here

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FILED IN:  |Bangladesh
POSTED BY Sundeep ON Feb 26, 2009 AT 01:05 IST, Edited At: Feb 26, 2009 18:47 IST
     
 
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