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POSTED BY Omar
ON Dec 04, 2012 AT 20:12 IST
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Edited At: Dec 04, 2012 20:12 IST
Shias (predominantly Twelver Shias, but also smaller groups of Ismailis and Dawoodi Bohras, etc.) make up between 5 and 25% of Pakistan’s population. The exact number is not known because the census does not count them separately and pro and anti-Shia groups routinely exaggerate or downgrade the number of Shias in Pakistan (thus the most militant Sunni group, the Sipah e Sahaba, routinely uses the figure of 2% Shia, which is too low, while Shias sometimes claim they are 30% of the Muslim population, which is clearly too high).
Shias were not historically a “minority group” in the sense which modern identity politics talks about “minorities” (a definition that, sometimes unconsciously, includes some sense of being oppressed/marginalized by the majority). Shias were part and parcel of the Pakistan movement and the “great leader” himself was at least nominally Shia. He was not a conventionally observant Muslim (e.g. he regularly drank alcohol and may have eaten pork) and was for the most part a fairly typical upper-class “Brown sahib”, English in dress and manners, but Indian in origin. He was born Ismaili Khoja but switched to the more mainstream Twelver sect; a conversion that he attested to in a written affidavit in some court or the other. His conversion was said to be due to the Khoja Ismaili sect excommunicating his sisters for marrying non-Khojas, but less charitable observers do note that it was also politically astute for an Indian Muslim leader to be Twelver Shia rather than Ismaili since mainstream acceptance of Twelver Shias was far greater.
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POSTED BY Omar
ON Dec 04, 2012 AT 20:12 IST, Edited At: Dec 04, 2012 20:12 IST
POSTED BY Buzz
ON Oct 02, 2012 AT 23:58 IST
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Edited At: Oct 02, 2012 23:58 IST
Javed Anand recently wrote in the Indian Express: On the other side of fear:
Yet there is something new and refreshing in the air. Read the statements of religious and political leaders as well as editorials and letters to the editor in Urdu newspapers. Take, for example, a letter by a Saudi Arabia-based Indian, Abdul Rehman Mohammed Yahya, published simultaneously as a boxed/lead letter in the Monday editions of three Urdu dailies in Mumbai: Inquilab, Rashtriya Sahara and Sahafat. The gist of the long letter is a rhetorical question addressed to fellow Muslims: “What did Prophet Muhammad do in the face of repeated insults heaped on him during his lifetime?” The answer: he forgave them.
It is a universal Muslim belief that the prophet never retaliated to repeated insults to him, through either word or deed. In fact, he taught his followers that “the wounds of words hurt more than the wounds of swords”. In other words, Muslims who hurt others through word or deed do violence to the teachings of the very prophet in whose name they claim to act.
Prof C.M. Naim responds in the same newspaper: Islamophobia and blasphemy
Surely, the present Muslim definition of “blasphemy” is not limited to “any insult to the Prophet of Islam”? Even in India, there are at least two prominent anti-“blasphemy” movements at play among the Muslims under the guise of “Tahaffuz” (Protection): Tahaffuz-i-Khatm-i-Nabuwat (Protection of the Finality of Prophethood), accusing the Ahmadis of “blasphemy”; and Tahaffuz-i-Namus-i-Sahaba (Protection of the Honour of the Companions of the Prophet), accusing the Shias of “blasphemy”. Not to mention the accusations of “blasphemy” against Salman Rushdie and Taslima Nasrin. Second, while Anand is right in stating that it “is a universal Muslim belief that the Prophet never retaliated to repeated insults to him, through either word or deed”— and, indeed, the vast majority of Muslims live by that belief, and many may even try to emulate it in their own lives — it is also true that a few enemies of the Prophet were ordered by him to be mortally punished, including one or two who verbally abused him. A devout Muslim, therefore, may claim a right to follow whichever tradition suits his own inclination.
The issue should not be what the Prophet did or did not, for once we raise it we only fall into an easy trap. It becomes a conflict between only apparently equal claims of righteousness; quickly, it becomes another instance, at best, of sectarianism, and, at worst, of “blasphemy”. In any case, a devout Muslim may aspire to emulate the Prophet’s actions but by the same token can never claim to have done so. Yahya’s letter is a good sign, but so are also a few other articles. These are acts of personal piety, and one must be thankful for them. But the same boxed space — actually there is nothing special or prominent about it — in Sahafat (Delhi) that carried Yahya’s letter contained on September 29 a letter on the same subject of the video from a Muhammad Ziaur Rahman, department of Urdu, Delhi University, under the title: “Yahud wa Nasara Musalmanon ke Khullamkhulla Dushman (Jews and Christians are blatant enemies of the Muslims)”. Rahman claims, among other things, that on September 11 this year, the film Innocence of Muslims was shown in cinemas across the United States, and that the United States rained missiles on Iraq when a woman in Baghdad named Laila Al-Attar drew a cartoon of President George Bush [in 2003].
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POSTED BY Buzz
ON Oct 02, 2012 AT 23:58 IST, Edited At: Oct 02, 2012 23:58 IST
POSTED BY Buzz
ON Feb 22, 2012 AT 23:30 IST
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Edited At: Feb 22, 2012 23:30 IST

Rohit Pradhan in rediff:
Sure, it appears that Rahul Gandhi believes fervently in redistributionist policies, but what exactly are his economic policies?
Indeed, is there any discernible difference between the economic agendas of Rahul Gandhi and Mayawati? Or Uma Bharti, for that matter?
Rahul Gandhi's performance as a political leader is perhaps the most disappointing because unlike the Jaitleys and Swarajs he faces no internal challenges.
He can force the Congress to get rid of its old socialist baggage and become a truly secular and forward looking political formation. Instead, he has confused minority communalism with secularism and entitlements with development.
In India, affiliation to a storied family name and being of certain age almost automatically confers on dynasts the title of 'youth icon.' Rahul Gandhi is a youth icon, we are told. So is apparently Akhilesh Yadav. But to his credit Yadav at least has attempted to move the Samajwadi Party away from an era of openly hobnobbing with criminals and encouraging goonda raj.
In contrast, with Rahul Gandhi at helm, the Congress is rapidly and happily riding and embracing the past.
Read the full article at rediff: Rahul is too busy now to worry about India's future
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POSTED BY Buzz
ON Feb 22, 2012 AT 23:30 IST, Edited At: Feb 22, 2012 23:30 IST
POSTED BY Sundeep
ON Dec 23, 2011 AT 02:34 IST
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Edited At: Dec 23, 2011 02:34 IST
Yes, they are totally right in their demand for an independent CBI, and on most other contentious points of the Lokpal Bill
Yes, we need not put too fine a point on this —the whole posturing with reservations and particularly the controversy over "minorities" in the Lokpal Panel is usual cynical delaying tactics by Congress with an eye to UP elections.
Yes, while the BJP is (correctly) tarred with being communal, the Congress's own "electoral communalism" in particular, and tokenism has always been at least as blatant. And even more brazen.
Yes, we could get into which communalism is more dangerous, and how these two parties fuel each other's competitive communalism, but those debates are meaningless.
For now, in addition to asking for a strong Lokpal, with all the safeguards they are insisting on, Team Anna would be well-advised to also demand at least one basic electoral reform. 
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POSTED BY Sundeep
ON Dec 23, 2011 AT 02:34 IST, Edited At: Dec 23, 2011 02:34 IST
POSTED BY Sundeep
ON Sep 01, 2010 AT 23:39 IST
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Edited At: Sep 01, 2010 23:39 IST
While the phenomenon of a majority suffering from a minority complex has often been invoked in the context of India, in Slate, Christopher Hitchens could well be describing the VHP (indeed, it is reminiscent of how even the RSS Sanghsarchalak Sudarshan had once described the VHP):
In a rather curious and confused way, some white people are starting almost to think like a minority, even like a persecuted one. What does it take to believe that Christianity is an endangered religion in America or that the name of Jesus is insufficiently spoken or appreciated? Who wakes up believing that there is no appreciation for our veterans and our armed forces and that without a noisy speech from Sarah Palin, their sacrifice would be scorned? It's not unfair to say that such grievances are purely and simply imaginary, which in turn leads one to ask what the real ones can be. The clue, surely, is furnished by the remainder of the speeches, which deny racial feeling so monotonously and vehemently as to draw attention. [Read the full piece at Slate]
Hitchens blames the "ugliness of Islamic fundamentalism" which, he says, "in particular has given energy and direction to such movements".
Writing in the Guardian, Pankaj Mishra notes the increasing anti-Muslim hysteria in the US and mourns that one of the very few instances of moral progress in the previous half-century, viz. the stigmatisation of racial and religious bigotry is, alas, not an irreversible advance. He also notes that the critics of "totalitarian Islam today did not have much, if anything at all, to say about the original despoiling, by western-backed Muslim fanatics, of Pakistan and Afghanistan during the anti-Soviet jihad in the 80s":
In the New York Times last week, writing about the eruption of hatred for Muslims in the US, Frank Rich asked what seems an increasingly pertinent question: "How do you win Muslim hearts and minds in Kandahar when you are calling Muslims every filthy name in the book in New York?" Americans who are shocked by what the columnist Maureen Dowd calls a "weird mass nervous breakdown" accuse the usual suspects – rightwingers whose "fear and disinformation" is "amplified by the poisonous echo chamber that is the modern media environment". But anti-Muslim toxins were injected into the mainstream well before August 2010, and not by rightwingers alone.
Bestselling authors like Ayaan Hirsi Ali may be the "new heroes", as the writer Peter Beinart puts it, of the Republican party's crusade against Muslims. But "professional" former Muslims have long provided respectable cover for the bigotry and, more often, plain ignorance of mainstream western commentators on Islam. This Monday Germany's Hirsi Ali, the Turkish writer Necla Kelek, stood shoulder to shoulder with the German central banker and Social Democratic party (SPD) member Thilo Sarrazin as he asserted that Muslims are out-breeding white, presumably "Aryan", Germans and that "all Jews share the same gene"
Read the full article in which he asks: When will those brave critics of Islam decry this mob hate?
Meanwhile, the WSJ gets the usual suspects — Anwar Ibrahim, Bernard Lewis, Ed Husain, Reuel Marc Gerecht, Tawfik Hamid and Akbar Ahmed—to weigh in on What Is Moderate Islam?
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POSTED BY Sundeep
ON Sep 01, 2010 AT 23:39 IST, Edited At: Sep 01, 2010 23:39 IST
POSTED BY Sundeep
ON Oct 13, 2009 AT 01:29 IST
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Edited At: Oct 13, 2009 01:32 IST
Andre Beteille, as always, takes the bull by the horns and asks:
The positive response to the Sachar committee report was an endorsement of Ambedkar's view that it would be wrong to ignore the existence of minorities. But what about his view that it would also be wrong for the minorities to perpetuate themselves? It is doubtful such a view will be received kindly by those who were enthused by the report and the committee's recommendations. India's political climate has changed substantially in the last 60 years. In December 1946, when the Constituent Assembly first met, only the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha espoused identity politics. Today, it has become the staple of all political parties.
...Minorities undoubtedly have grievances against the majority that cannot be brushed under the carpet. The majority also has grievances against the minorities, and not all of those may be without foundation. Grievances on the one side tend to reinforce those on the other. Identity politics, which brings different communities into confrontation with each other, may have made people more conscious of their rights, but it has also made social prejudice more difficult to control.
Read the full article at the Times of India
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POSTED BY Sundeep
ON Oct 13, 2009 AT 01:29 IST, Edited At: Oct 13, 2009 01:32 IST
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